As we can see through the process of
colonization, power shifts as one group asserts its dominance over
another. Anderson discusses reasons for
and manifestations of these power shifts.
Looking to language (administrative and spoken,) print media, and conscious
imperial efforts to spread nationalist sentiment that reflects, in a sense, the
conqueror, Anderson offers examples of “the European model” of colonial reign
(Anderson 99.) The point I am making is
that the European model, which was adopted by Japan, inherently involves racism
(a not-so-subtle, almost confessed-to racism) that privileges the goals and
characteristics of the dominant group over those of the groups being pushed
aside, used for the dominant group’s advantage, or both. Matt R. made a terrific point in his blog
when he asserted that empires employing anticipatory strategies, as opposed to exercising
what I think of as straight-up imperialism, were adeptly fortifying themselves
from outside influence as they used a uniform nationalist image to expand their
realms.
Looking for a current case of an anticipatory
strategy proved difficult for me, but I landed on South Africa because I have
been studying it in another course.
South Africa has a complex and tumultuous history that involves many different
groups that often get shoved into about four or five different categories,
despite consisting of many separate nations that identified as distinctly
different from the others. The colonial
powers involved (the English and the Dutch) competed for South Africa against
each other because they had the power.
The native African tribes were in many ways an afterthought. Fast forwarding quickly (and not doing any
justice to the rich history of the territory and its many peoples,) the Afrikaners,
a group descended from the Dutch (but distinct from their Dutch forefathers)
became the dominant power in the country.
Whiteness of course still dominated the top of the hierarchy, but the Afrikaners
were above the English, who were above everybody else.
An anticipatory strategy was completely
out of the picture. The Afrikaners
instituted ‘separate development,’ which is best of as separate, but
intentionally unequal. People of color
were excluded from the cities. So, you may
ask, how could I be talking about anticipatory strategies when the Afrikaners,
who importantly never made up the majority –even almost- in South Africa, never
used one? Well, in 1994, Nelson Mandela
became president of a new South Africa.
Apartheid was abolished and the mistreated majority now had one of their
own as a leader. Mandela is on record as
having refused to tell militant black groups to stop using violence, but as a
candidate and as President, he ran a non-race-oriented campaign. Therefore, he and his administration cleverly
developed an anticipatory strategy that served many groups of the country. The difference from Anderson’s examples is
that the group soon to be dominant padded the blow for the takeover of the other
group instead of the other way around.
Being South African, clearly, now meant something very different.
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